SQUABBLING AT A PROBLEM

“Do not try to lean on a wall that is not near you.”

Ghanaian Proverb.

Northern Governors set up a seemingly powerful committee on reconciliation, healing and security last week, three months into the silence of President Jonathan over the long list of grievances and demands of presented to him by Northern Elders. The governors’ committee is meant to liaise with stakeholders in the states affected by the JASLIWAJ(a.k.a. Boko Haram) insurgency and other security threats, and get to the root of other security challenges and proffer solutions. It also has their mandate to negotiate with indentified groups, liaise with the federal government and agree on best approaches to resolving security challenges, and work out modalities for reconciling warring parties and communities in the north. The governors say recurring incidents of violence in the north have almost crippled the economy and society of the region, and they represent serious challenges to national stability, unity and development. Chairman of the Northern Governors’ Forum, Dr. M.B. Aliyu wants the committee to assist by broadly looking at the issues of religious extremism, intolerance and mutual disrespect which appear to be creating more ethnic and religious cleavages that are damaging northern unity. He lamented the inability of a single northern state to pay one month salary from internally-generated revenue. He hinted at the resolve to sustain resistance by the northern governors against what they see as unfair distribution of oil revenues.

It will be uncharitable to dismiss this latest move by northern governors as a red herring, but it will be equally hypocritical to applaud it as a statesmanship from leaders of people with their backs against many walls. The Northern Elders’ Forum which met and presented a litany of requests and demands to President Jonathan three months ago has to be a backdrop to an assessment of the utility of this move by the governors. Almost bowing to the ground, the leader of the elders appealed to the President to demilitarize the north, curb gross abuses by security agents including extra-judicial killings; discourage official perception of the insurgency as a northern Muslim resistance against the President; revisit many of the reports of investigations into ethno-religious conflicts and implement their recommendations; tackle corruption, address youth unemployment, stop arbitrary and indiscriminate removal of senior officers from the public and security services, and many more demands. There were no reports by the elders that they had approached northern governors earlier to take up these issues with the President, as people with political and legal obligations and clout.

The decision by northern elders to engage Mr President directly on issues that would have been effectively taken up at numerous levels and occasions by governors was a serious indictment of the governors. Even if, as was rumoured, some of the governors had encouraged the elders to go straight to the Villa, they would only have shot themselves in the foot. The desperate, yet unproductive sojourn of the elders may also reinforce a widespread perception that they hold the governors in very low esteem, and would rather appeal to a President seen in many circles as a co-facilitator of the political and security situation of the north, than appeal to them to take up its cause. The President’s silence since their visit also speaks loudly his perception of northern problems.

It is difficult to avoid the impression that northern governors have set up this and two other committees as a belated reaction to control major damage. So much water has passed under the bridge, that you have to wonder whether even members of the committee will believe that they can do any genuinely productive work. The insurgency has taken roots in many parts of the north, and all governors say is that they have no control over security matters. They are substantially its targets, and their influence over the community which can be mobilized against it is virtually nil. So they cannot fight it, and they cannot resist it. Their coterie of the ulaama is politically compromised, and they live behind secure embankments, too removed from the people. The economy in much of the north is well and truly wrecked, but neither the lavish lifestyle of governors nor the army of political hacks paid from public funds is showing evidence of being affected. Governors cannot call each other to order. They cannot set benchmarks for Jang in the manner he relates with some ethnic groups in Plateau State, and they cannot prevail on Yakowa to do something on the consequences of the Zonkwa massacre. They cannot take on the President on the P.I.B; on the on-shore, off-shore dichotomy, on the operations of security agencies and their impact on communities; or on any major policy which affects the north substantially.

For whatever it is worth, many people of impeccable integrity and undoubted commitment have accepted to be part of the governors’ committee. They have a major task ahead of them, particularly given the fact that many of the problems they are being asked to find solutions for have their roots and locations in the manner governors run the north. The committee couldn’t have started at a more inauspicious moment either, with the JASLIWAJ insurgency reportedly denying reports that it is engaged in negotiations with government, and even warning Dr Datti Ahmed to stay clear. They will be well advised to take some of their terms of reference with a pinch of salt. The charge to dialogue with any or all sources of the violence in the north must sound hollow, coming from people who cannot facilitate the most elementary of contacts, or exploit the huge goodwill which exists in their communities towards fighting the insurgency. The task of identifying the roots of the security challenges should not be difficult to accomplish: they are the task masters, who have raised bad governance, corruption and impunity to new levels. Members of the committee should not bother with the term of reference which says they should liaise with the federal government and deliberate on the best approach to resolving security challenges. If the federal government has the slightest clue over how our numerous challenges can be resolved, why would it wait for a security committee to come for them?

The members of the governors’ committee should take their jobs seriously. To do this, they will need to re-write their terms of reference. The sources and the results of the security and economic problems of the north are here in the north. The federal government and the rest of Nigeria are only marginally responsible, the former as a seemingly-willing accomplice in a tragic self-mutilation, the latter, beneficiaries of a weakening competition. They can write their report in a month because combatants, warring communities, JASLIWAJ insurgents or the federal government will not give them the time of day. If governors are content with public relations gimmicks, many of the respected members of this committee should not be. The problems of the north and national security are too important to be handled by governors hiding behind committees.

VOICES FROM RAMADAN

“You should not beat your chest with someone else’s hands.”

Cameroonian Proverb

The month of Ramadan represents the essentials of the bonds that bind Muslims with Allah Subhanahu Wa Taala. It is the month in which the holy Qur’an was sent to the last and most revered of Allah’s prophets, Muhammad S.A.W. It is the month Muslims are enjoined to intensify acts of worship, sacrifice and charity, and demonstrate the highest ideals of their faith. It is a month of intense soul search at the individual level, and rigorous scrutiny at the state of the Muslim ummah (community) by leaders, clerics and activists involved in policing the boundries between Muslims and non-Muslims, and Muslims and the state or the international community. Leading clerics and intellectuals in the Muslim community lead widely-Publicized readings and interpretations of the holy Qur’an (Tafsir) and Hadith (traditions of the holy prophet Muhammad, S.A.W), and other works which deepen understanding and faith of Muslims.

Kaduna has been, since the explosion of the Izalatul Bidia Wa Ikamatus Sunnah (JIBWIS) movement in the 1970s, the focal point of much of the activism in the Muslim community. It has also represented a veritable battleground between traditional Darika sects and the Izala movement, as well as rumerous shirmishes between Muslims and Christians. Between Kaduna and Zaria next door, the most profound intellectual and spiritual changes have been generated: the Izala movement; resurgence of the movement for expansion of the scope of Shari’a law; the emergence of Nigerian Shiite movement, the salafiyya movement and the politicization of Darika sects. The emergence of political christianity which drew the line between Christian north and Christian south at Kaduna itself also highlighted the strategic position of the city and the State.

In this dynamic and often volatile context, Ramadan provides an opportunity to reassert positions and consolidate gains. Leading clerics such as the late Abubakar Gumi (now succeeded by his son, Ahmad) and Dahiru Bauchi’s Tafsirs represent the summit for the Izala and Darika leaders, each in his own forte. Hundreds of other clerics and intellectuals also conduct Tifsirs, and hundreds of thousands of Muslims particularly, young males, attend them. Many broadcast outlets give huge vent to many of the prominent clerics and leaders, and the media exposure undoubtedly encourages many of them to adopt postures and positions which are most likely to appeal to a part of the Muslim community which has a high level of consciousness. On the whole Ramadan Tafsir’s represent the only avenue for the Muslim community to speak to itself, to rise issues which worry it, and to assure particularly young members of the community that it is part of a caring and concerned community. In the last few years, it has also provided a platform for raising issues which affect Muslim relations with non-Muslims and the Nigerian state.

This year’s Tafsir, in Kaduna at least, have collectively exposed new levels and dimensions in thinking among leading clerics and Muslims. If the security and intelligence services as well as the political antennas of governments are alert, the sentiments expressed by the Muslim community should be meticulously noted and accorded the attention they deserve. It is vital that his is done, because at this stage, it does not appear that the government and mainstream Muslim community are in very productive and positive contact. It is also very important that the current disposition and thinking of Muslim leaders and clerics is shared among as many Muslims as possible, because it serves as both a yardstick for conduct, as well as a benchmark by which governments should relate to Muslims in Nigeria. In any case, those responsible for processing the many voices heard during the Ramadan should pay very close attention to them, because the gulf which appears to exist between many Muslims and the Nigerian state must not be allowed to become wider than it is.

Significantly, the emphatic and public repudiation of the doctrinal basis and claims of the Jamaatu Ahlil Sunnal Liddiwati Waj Jihad (JASLIWAJ) by all clerics without exception has been a major revelation during the last Ramadan. Muslim clerics and followers were open in their condemnation of the group’s activities, and the assurances which were given that peace and justice to all Muslims and non-Muslims are the foundations of the Islamic faith were not merely targeted at a non-Muslim audience and a Nigerian state eager to hear Muslims condemn the insurgency. Violence against people outside the strict boundries set by islam was roundly condemned, and the place of suicide in islam was amply clarified. There is no doubt that most of the clerics and leaders of the Muslim ummah have crossed the fear threshold which may have restrained public condemnation, and the assurances by learned people that death in the hands of the insurgency represents unlawful killing in islam, and victims will be relieved of their sins, while their killers will be punished has served to reassure a community which has been terrified by both the insurgency and agents of the state.

The issue around the JASLIWAJ insurgency also took up much of the concerns of the Muslim community. The operations of security agents which tend to create the impression that all Muslims are enemies who have to pay penalties of an occupied or defeated people were widely condemned. The outward manifestations of these, including raids into homes; mass arrests and detentions without trials; massive militarization of highways and neighbourhoods; compelling people to push their motorcycles past numerous checkpoints; public humiliation of people at the slightest of provocations; crude profiling of muslims, harassment of people from neighbouring African countries, extortion and all manners of impunity and highhandedness by security people were widely condemned.

Voices were also raised against allegations that recruitments into security agencies, including the military were being deliberately made to exclude Muslims. Postings and deployments of senior officers are allegedly done to favour non-Muslims. There are widespread feelings of injustice against Muslims in the manner the Nigerian state treats consequences of ethno-religious conflicts. The continued stay of hundreds of women and children refugees from Zonkwa at the Kaduna State Hajj Camp continues to remind Muslims of an unfinished business and hints at a state too weak or indifferent do justice to Muslims. The refugees from Zonkwa were used to remind Muslims of Yelwan Shendam, of last Sallah in Jos when Muslims were killed, roasted and enten publicly, and of recent skirmishes around Riyom, Barikin Ladi and Jos. There were voices raised to indict a Nigerian state quick to condemn church bombings as handiwork of Muslims without waiting for evidence, but is indifferent to mass killings of Muslims, irrespective of the circumstances.

The last Ramadan showed a new level of consciousness among the Muslim community, a consciousness created out of the need to purge their faith of undeserved stigma and provide guidance and comfort to itself. But there is also an emerging element of that consciousness which seeks to assert the right of Nigerian Muslims to live with dignity and full respect, and not accept a lower status owing to the activities of JASLIWAJ. In the last Ramadan, new benchmarks were established by leaders in courage and commitment to the demands of their faith. They have left the impression among millions of Muslims that the insurgency has no place in Islam, but cannot be successfully fought by a Nigerian state which treats it as if it is a Muslim problem, and milks it to weaken Muslims further.  Strong messages were sent on the need for Muslims to work for peace and unity of the country, but to work hard to protect and defend what they have. Leaders who care about the future of the nation as one entity founded on justice should pay attention to the messages which came through during the last Ramadan.

ALL DECISIONS, GREAT AND SMALL

“A hen with chicks does not perch on a high branch of a tree”

Nigerian Proverb

You really do have to wonder who assists President Jonathan in terms of his engagements with the public. It is possible that he chooses what he says, when and where he says it, and why. But surely with a full complement of Special Advisers, Ministers, and sundry political appointees, it is reasonable to expect that the President’s decision-making process, including decisions on his public engagement will be better handled. Perhaps Dr Doyin Okupe is still in the process of settling down, or has had to hit the ground running, but it will be comforting to believe that he tried to dissuade the President and the Minister of Finance from making public, the decision to direct that federal workers must be paid salaries before the end of last week, so that they will enjoy Sallah.

If it was important for the administration to pay its workers salaries before Sallah, why was it necessary for the President to have to order it, and publicize it, on the very last working day? Why does it require Dr Okonjo-Iweala, whose job it was to have paid the salary if that was what Mr President wanted, to make such a song and dance about it? Why should paying federal workers, (people who are used to erratic payment days, or going for months on end without salaries) in the middle of the month elicit such excitement?

Federal workers are paid through banks, and those who were not paid on Friday last week won’t get paid as the President directed. This will not be the first time President Jonathan directed that salaries should be paid on a certain date, and they weren’t. If majority of federal workers didn’t get paid last week, their estimation of the administration and Mr President’s standing will plummet. This was a risky gamble that need not have been taken. Mr President could have ordered payment of federal workers salaries without fanfare, and only after assuring himself that the Ministry of Finance, Accountant-General’s Office and all banks will be in a position to pay every worker between Friday and Saturday. If by a miracle this happened, the President’s people can then go to town, for what it is worth, with the image of a compassionate and firm President, who can even order payment of salary when workers do not expect it.

You cannot avoid getting the impression that the administration is really scraping the bottom of the barrel in terms of its public image. Perhaps it is all too complex and intimidating, what with all the daily challenges on security, on corruption and a media that is unrelenting in its criticism. But Goodluck Jonathan is still President, and we look up to him to reassure us that he is dealing with our most burdensome problems. On the very day he ordered salaries of workers to be paid due to the forthcoming Sallah, the Borno Elders Forum issued another statement calling for restraint on the part of both security agencies and the JASLIWAJ (a.k.a Boko Haram) insurgents. The elders say many innocent and fasting Muslims are being killed in their hundreds, and their community is facing genocide.

If you know the people in the Borno Elders Forum, you will know that they will not use the word genocide lightly. This statement, dripping with elderly tears and passion has been taken up by the very JTF they complain about, which says there is no cause for alarm. Not by someone higher in the military hierarchy than the JTF spokesman. Not by Mr President’s spokesmen and image makers. Not by the new NSA, and not by the President. So who decides operational matters, and who decides when the public needs assurances that it is not being targeted in a genocide by the military? Is the military now entirely on its own to fight a war as it pleases, and interprete the manner in which it responds to public demands for accountability?

Perhaps Mr President has said too many of the wrong things regarding this threat, and he is reluctant to continue to get involved directly in engaging citizens on their misfortune. Or perhaps he has decided to let spokespersons explain the limitations of the administration, which they appear to be taking up with gusto. We now know there are three different types of Boko Haram, and that they are like misguided siblings you do not send an army after. From the release of the Borno Elders Forum, it is obvious that the military in Borno and Yobe States has not heard the bit about not sending soldiers after your own children.

As we speak, the President has not decided on who should become the Minister of Defence, months after he fired Dr. Halliru Mohammed. If he had a Minister who could work with the new NSA, some of the collateral damage which is creating massive hostility among the population may have been reduced. Is it possible that in a population of 160 million Nigerians Mr President needs months to decide who should be Minister of Defence? Some will argue that the vacancy is really not central to the administration’s strategy to deal with numerous threats to national security. After all, there is a Minister of State in place. So why doesn’t Mr President just move her up and juggle his cabinet to address the Kebbi State issue? Whoever is appointed Minister of Defence should worry intensely over how much influence he will have on current policy and strategy as well.

Even his best admirers will concede that President Jonathan has a tendency to leave too many of his flanks open for attack by his opponents. His style, if that is what is, of running a government with gaping holes, and then hoping that time and fortune will fill them up is not working. There is need for some decisiveness around fundamentals, and the President as a leader, must lead. He must find a handle on the deteriorating security situation. He needs to assure citizens who are victims of all sides that he cares. He should visit Borno and Yobe State, and meet with the community. He must get a grip on corruption and our dislocated economy. He needs to be seen working on crime, on unemployment, on building bridges between communities and sections of the country. He still has more than two years of his mandate to run. He can make a difference if he wants to, but his decision-making capacity must be completely overhaudled.

WHY PRESIDENT JONATHAN SHOULD BE SUPPORTED

“An empty sack will not stand upright.”

Ghanaian Proverb

It now appears that the nation has missed the real import of the joint statement released two weeks ago by former Presidents Obasanjo and Babangida. In the period since the statement was released, it has been subjected to a deserving torrent of analyses, critical reviews, condemnations and commendations, which is to be expected. After all, this was a joint statement from two of the prime architects of the state of our current political framework, in a context which strongly argues that the present administration is more a victim of our inherited limitations than their designers. Neither President Jonathan nor his legion of spokespersons have even bothered to respond to the statement which draws attention to serious threats to the security of the nation, and widespread doubts over its ability to survive them. But we have heard thundering repudiations against calls for the President to resign, or even, the most laughable of all, against alleged calls by a Muslim group that he becomes a Muslim or face unending violent challenge.

The statement by two former Presidents who are walking encyclopedias on crisis management and mismanagement was a warning that the nation is tottering on the brink, and citizens need to step back and chart a course away from a future which promises nothing but pain and privation. The statement said nothing about the administration’s role in the perilous state of our security situation, a political environment which progressively polarizes the nation, and an economic management style which breeds unprecedented waste and corruption. Perhaps the two elders felt it was not their place to join the bandwagon of critics which President Jonathan seems to expand by the day. Or perhaps they have offered all the advise they can in private, and have decided to absolve themselves of blame for watching the nation burn and disintegrate in silence. So they turn on citizens, victims of a very weak leadership, and appeal to them to raise their levels of patriotism and commitment to the future of the nation.

Alhaji Ahmed Joda also raised his voice, but he went further to make specific demands on President Jonathan. In addition to convening a Constituent Assembly to knock together another constitution which will more appropriately reflect the concerns and challenges of contemporary realities, he asks Jonathan to fight corruption, eliminate waste, improve the quality of governance, address security issues more vigorously, improve the electoral process before 2015, and renounce any intention to run as President again.

Alhaji Joda acknowledges that President Jonathan’s administration has a major role to play in the manner our current challenges are resolved; and his person and political ambition are central to the resolution of these challenges in the long term. Again, the administration has not uttered a word, not even the customary condemnation of criticisms, in response to Alhaji Joda’s reinforcement of the two former leaders’ plea. Instead, it is digging in on a now familiar strategy of ignoring problems, or informing the nation that they do not exist; and if they do, they were created by past administrations, or are products of a northern-based insurgency; or are well on their way to being solved.

It is now imperative that the nation reassesses its approach to the many limitations of this administration. Critics of the administration need to re-evaluate their strategies, and in particular, ask whether criticisms alone can influence the way President Jonathan governs this nation. The simple truth is that the Jonathan administration is being swamped by the challenges it faces, and its capacity to deal with them is woefully inadequate. An attitude which suggests to him that he is doing well, but is not being appreciated by millions of citizens will reinforce a mindset which encourages more of the same. Similarly, critics who think pointing at massive deficits in competence, integrity and vision will be sufficient to raise the bar, or create a critical mass of hostility and resistance in the country are just as much a liability as the administration is to Nigerians.

What the nation needs is a strong push from politicians, civil society, professional groups, organized labour and youth to create a massive momentum towards real change, which will assist this administration with ideas, strategies, options and support to address the most critical of its weaknesses. Instead of accusing Jonathan of indifference towards a nation gradually falling apart, a political summit should be convened by elder statesmen, active and retired politicians, academia and civil society to attempt to rebuild bridges which have been crumbling since 2009. The summit should address the manifest challenges from the effects of JASLIWAJ (Boko Haram) phenomenon, the perilous state of the political economy of much of the north, the incipient challenges to the unity of the country from the south-south, and the issues relating to the clamour for a Constitutional Conference. Former Heads of State and other elders can spearhead this. It will be in the interest of President Jonathan and his administration and his party to work with and in the summit. If he chooses to ignore it, it should still go ahead, and let Nigerians know what it sees and advises.

Instead of accusing Jonathan of being clueless regarding the JASLIWAJ (Boko Haram) insurgency, the Muslim leadership should engage itself in a search over what could possibly have bred this insurgency; what its place is in mainstream Islamic doctrines; and what needs to be done to engage it by Muslims, non-Muslims and the Nigerians State. This challenge can be taken up by a few respected ulama, leaders and groups, but it must have sufficient scope and integrity to guide the Muslim community and the Nigerian state adequately in terms of how to relate to it.

Instead of locking ourselves up against resurging kidnapping, violent crimes, bombs and bullets, our senior retired heads of police and other security agencies should put heads together to examine the basic weaknesses of our law and order institutions. Retired members of the judiciary should examine why our judicial system is too weak to contain massive assaults on its integrity. We need expert and experienced hands to tell us how to re-invent our police, and provide answers to the many questions we ask over federal and state police, and the near-irrelevance of the police as a tool against disorder and crime. Retired Chief Justices can initiate this on their own. If the administration wants to be part of it, fine. If not, let them tell Nigerians what they think is wrong, and what can be done about it.

Instead of lamenting the theft of our nation by pervasive and politically-entrenched corruption, civil society, labour, professional groups and other patriotic citizens should work under a C.S.O umbrella to examine the reasons why corruption has enten so deeply into our value systems and institutions, and what steps the administration should take to begin to roll it back. If the administration wants to be part of this very important work, fine. If not, Nigerians should be told what, in specific terms, needs to be done to deal with current cases of corruption being investigated or being prosecuted, what needs to be done to dilute the intimate linkages between politics and corruption, and what needs to be done in the long term to reduce it to the barest minimum.

Instead of lamenting the sorry state of our economy, its poor management and the possibility that we will be up to our necks in debt once again, economic and business interests should facilitate a thorough soul-search for what is wrong with the way we manage our economy. We need answers to the impact of the size of government on the economy; to our perennial failure to execute our budgets as planned; to the persistence of an enclave economy which is dangerously vulnerable to external stimuli; to decaying and inadequate infrastructure which cannot support a growing economy; and to the search for vision and discipline in pursuit of long-term economic goals.

Our political parties should raise a think tank to identify the weaknesses of our electoral system, and how it can be plugged. Other Nigerians with insights, expertise or experience, as well as C.S.Os and professional groups should be involved in providing a blueprint for a thorough overhaul of our electoral system between now and 2015.

It will be very dangerous to continue to leave the problems of Nigeria on the doorsteps of this administration. The administration is likely to continue to open the door, see the problems, and walk back in locking the door, and preferring to believe it did not see what it saw. It is time for patriots, leaders and those who know about our problems to step up. This is not a favour to President Jonathan, and it should not matter that he may choose to ignore outcomes of some of these activities. This is a service to the fatherland, and there may be no other opportunities to salvage our nation. Those who are content with opportunistic and sterile opposition lose the opportunity to insist that identified viable and practical options must be pursued by the administration. A groundswell of demand for purposeful and strong leadership, strategies and options will provide the necessary pressure for the President to act more decisively.

President Jonathan needs help to govern. Those who love this nation should help him with ideas, suggestions and inputs. The best guarantee that this nation can survive its short term challenges lies in strengthening Jonathan’s capacity to deal with them. We have no future as a united, secure and prosperous nation unless we fix our current challenges. President Jonathan is one of them. He must not be isolated and merely bombarded with criticisms so long as he is leading us. Those who want him to go in 2015 may consider the thought that it will be easier for him not to run again in 2015 if he makes a fairly good job of his current mandate, than if he messes it up. Rulers who mess up big time tend to want to stay on forever, lest they are called to account.

Shhhh!

“If someone wants to roast you, you do not smear yourself with oil and sit by the fireside awaiting him.” Nigerian Proverb.

The recent entry of Dr Doyin Okupe into the image management team of President Jonathan ought to have improved the manner the Presidency is perceived by Nigerians. Dr Okupe brings an intimidating credential as a heavyweight with an intellect and a punch, and has been involved in many bruising battles in the corridors of power and on political streets. This engagement of Dr Okupe as aide on Public Affairs, reflects a growing concern that the image of the President (and his wife) are not being positively received. You have to feel for Dr Reuben Abati, an accomplished professional who had all the credentials to make a success of managing the President’s media and public relations. There is no spin you could put on the Okupe-Abati pairing that will mitigate the damage done to Dr Abati’s standing as an experienced media person brought in to make a poor leadership look good. The space taken up by Dr Okupe belongs to Dr Abati, and what is left of Abati’s turf will now largely be a function of his ability to protect it, and the capacity of Dr Okupe to operate in the stifling environment around President Jonathan.

Ordinarily, the combination of Drs Abati and Okupe will intimidate any opposition, particularly the type represented by opposition parties these days. Dr Abati’s extensive network in the media and Dr Okupe’s arsenal of tricks and bricks will take on ACN's Lai Mohammed, Babangida’s Afegbua or CPC’s Tony Momoh any day. They will be well-supported with resources and muscle, and government’s extensive machinery for propaganda in NTA, FRCN, NAN and many others. They can counter fair and unfair criticism, and sell the President, his administration and his spouse so well that Nigerians will believe they are the best thing that happened to the nation.

So what is the problem? The problem is that Drs Abati and Okupe have many rivals in the area of creating the right image for the President. These rivals come in all forms, shapes and sizes. You have the godfather Chief E. Clark who shoots from the hips and offers no apologies. His job is to remind Nigerians that President Jonathan is a good President being harassed by northerners (and possibly a few of their friends in the West) who have sworn that he will never govern in peace. His crime is that he is from the South-South, a member of a minority group who has offended those who believe that it is their destiny to govern Nigeria forever. President Jonathan is being fought with the JASLIWAJ (Boko Haram) insurgency, and the people behind it are more or less known. All Nigerians (except northerners who will not condemn Boko Haram) should rally around the President who is transforming Nigeria. Nigerians should wait and see: if Jonathan ceases to be President (in 2015, or 2019, if he wants), Boko Haram will disappear.

There are also a few less prominent but equally vociferous defenders of the President. Asari Dokubo warns the North to put out the insurgency before it becomes a war, otherwise the south-south will obliterate the north with hunger and superior weapons. Then you have the Ogoni Declaration of Independence and the flags and anthem of Bayelsa State, symbolic irritants that appear to suggest that the President is lax on his own people, but tough on communities in which the JASLIWAJ insurgency is prominent.

There are yet more rivals to the good Doctors in the utterances and actions of Pastor Oritsejafor, the National President of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) who insist that the President, like all christians in the nation, is the victim of a grand Muslim conspiracy to Islamize or destroy the nation. There is a motley of businessmen, pseudo-intellectuals, ex-militants who have billion-Naira contracts and career political crawlers who see every criticism of the President as a vindication of their suspicion that he has enemies who are envious of the excellent work he is doing. To all these, add a government-owned media which has raised the basest from of propaganda into an art form. Finally, you have the PDP whose unwieldy machinery still manages to churn out a word or two to say nothing is wrong with the President or the nation.

With all their competitors selling the President, you have to feel sorry for Drs Abati and Okupe, the Minister of Information, several Advisers and Senior Special Assistants when the verdict from Nigerians comes in to say we are not impressed. Which is also the right point to ask what is really wrong, apart from the fact that the President’s side is overloaded with the wrong people? What is wrong is that the other side sees all these efforts to create a false image for the President, and they are even less impressed. The President’s case is not helped by the zeal of security agents who tend to treat scathing criticism of his performance as a threat to national security. It is not helped by high profile exposure by his wife which does little justice to his office as the embodiment of propriety, decorum and decency. It is not helped by institutional weaknesses which pitch him in bruising battles with the legislature over budget performance, over Otteh, over the P.I.B. It is not helped by dithering and delays over the prosecution of persons suspected in the subsidy scam. It is not helped by insurgents who appear to strike at will, or the failure of the largest mobilization of the nation’s security assets in towns and streets to contain them.

But the job of making the President look good is also being made more difficult by critics who genuinely observe serious inadequacies in governance irrespective of the tribe or religion of President Jonathan. These critics are moving away from the middle ground which was the comfort zone for those Nigerians who thought you took on the President only if you are a northern Muslim who did not want him to become President in the first place. Increasingly, the Federal House of Representatives is becoming a major source of opposition, and it is likely that more responsible Nigerians will raise their voices in demands for improved performance.

The task of managing the image of President Jonathan’s performance is going to be increasingly more challenging as critical shortfalls in competence, in managing security and curbing corruption continue to be registered by his administration. The best P.R for Jonathan is a radical improvement in his performance. His critics will not relent in criticizing him, even at the risk of others defending him only because he is Ijaw from the South South. We will never be a nation where citizens sit and watch, or keep mute because security people say, shhhh!

RAISED VOICES

“If you listen to the voice of thunder you will not be soaked with rain.” Ghanaian Proverb.

One of the most distinguished former Federal Permanent Secretaries, Alhaji Ahmed Joda last week lent his own elder’s voice in support of the initiative of President Obasanjo and Babangida to draw the nation’s attention to serious threats to the security and survival of the nation. Praising the two former Presidents for playing elders, he said the future of the nation is too important to be left in the hands of those who now hold political offices. He proferred his own views on the way forward, amidst on-going cacophony over whether Obasanjo and Babangida are even qualified to discuss Nigeria’s future; over the legality and propriety of Chief Edwin Clark’s accusation and demands that northern leaders like Babangida and Buhari condemn and put out the fire of the JASLIWAJ insurgency; over Alhaji Asari Dokubo’s fire-spitting threat that the south-south will destroy the north if this insurgency starts to resemble a war; over reactions of Femi Fani-Kayode to Chief Clark calling him a thief; over demands by pro-constitutional conference groups that this is the time to talk on their terms, and over Chief Clark’s invitation to President Babangida to a public debate to test who is more in control of his faculties.  

Several raised voice are threatening to drown out Alhaji Ahmed Joda’s contribution. Chief Doyin Okupe, the new aide on the block brought in to shore up the sagging performances of Dr Reuben Abati loudly lambasted Pastor Tunde Bakare and Malam Nasir el-Rufai, for their unceasing and scathing criticisms of President Goodluck Jonathan’s record in office. Both have also been taken up by the State Security Service on their comments, action which drew their own howls of disapproval for the administration’s intolerance and tendency to use coercive measures against expressions of rights to criticize.

Then the Governor of Kano State Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso resurrects the old frontline on on-shore, off-shore dichotomy, and says the north will challenge it because it is illegal, unconscionable and intolerable. Amidst all these, the leadership of the CAN writes a letter asking the US to label the JASLIWAJ (Boko Haram) insurgency as a terrorist group. Everyone was falling over themselves to influence the visiting US Secretary of State, Hilary Clinton on how the US should see the insurgency. The lady herself spoke through another medium after the briefest of visits to say the US is looking for solutions beyond the application of force, and certainly far beyond the northern part of Nigeria. Worshippers were killed in churches and mosques in Kogi State, and in parts of Maiduguri, Bauchi and Potiskum, and the babble of accusations went up a notch higher.

Alhaji Ahmed Joda’s contribution made the case for a comprehensive review of the constitution as a key element in addressing the nation’s long-term structural and political weakness, but he does not trust the National and State Assemblies and the Presidency to understake this sentive job. He suggests the establishment of a Constituent Assembly made up entirely of elected members standing on non-partisan basis. The National Assembly would create the Constituent Assembly, while President Goodluck Jonathan, all former Presidents and Heads of Government and their deputies, former Chief Justices of the Federation, Presidents of Senate and Speakers of House of Representatives and one Governor from each political zone should draw up the agenda. This Assembly would, within one year, produce a Draft Constitution which would be subject of a referendum by the Nigerian people. If approved, it will be brought into effect by an Act of the National Assembly. The composition, procedures and outcomes of the Constituent Assembly would not be subject to any legal challenge.

It could be a function of a mindset which sees value in providing solutions to difficult problems, but Alhaji Joda’s proposals would not even leave the ground. When he questions the legitimacy and integrity of the national assembly to give the nation a new constitution that substantially addresses its weakness, and then demands that the same legislature voluntarily enacts legislation to bring into force a Constituent Assembly, his suggestion is literally dead on arrival. A constitution review or writing exercise which sidelines the entire executive and legislature in terms of its agenda, autonomy and output in a nation such as ours may be the best thing we need, but the reality is also that those who sit in leadership positions today will not let it see the light of day. The President will at least be involved in agenda setting, which is not a minor task in itself. But Governors and legislators will be required to stand aside, while ordinary Nigerians will be elected to produce a draft constitution that goes straight to the citizenry for assent or rejection.

People with elected mandates (even if largely disputed) and constitutional powers to make laws, including amending or re-writing constitutions will not just roll over and submit to popular clamour for another set of people to do jobs which is theirs. They will raise legal issues. They will ask what happens if the Assembly is deadlocked or inconclusive. They will ask why, as representatives of the people, they will have little say in the process, but ex-military rulers will set the agenda. They will ask what happens if the Assembly prescribes what they consider offensive or unacceptable to their own version of the national interest or their own interests. They will see a very thin line between the Constituent Assembly and a Sovereign Conference, because they will be powerless to override or tamper with its recommendations. All these arguments can be countered of course, and there are many radical and ingenious suggestions over how a new nation can emerge through a conclave, but all of them predicated on negating existing institutions and structures. 

Given its record since 1999, the legislature is not going to accept to surrender such vital powers it has such as law-making and constitutional amendment to a body they will create using the same constitutional powers they are not trusted with. Nor will this President who defined the boundaries of constitutional amendments as excluding “settled issues” even contemplate a radical option of creating an autonomous Constituent Assembly. The Governors also have deep, vested interests and immense influence, and they will scuttle any effort that creates a body which is not amenable to their influence to re-write our constitution.

Which is all to say that Baba Joda’s suggestions are doomed to fail if they are being contemplated under the current disposition of power and authority. The idea of an autonomous Constituent Assembly of elected people whose work will only be decided directly by Nigerians is feasible if a monumental struggle involving civil society substantially whittles down the resistance of the present executive and legislative arms, and succeeds in making the case that  a credible re-writing of our constitution is the most critical requirement for resolving the political, economic and security problems of the nation.

There will still be many who will argue that imperfect as they have been, our constitutions are not the basic problems of the nation. Our political system is fed by value systems which include the historic absence of accountability by leaders, structural and systemic corruption and progressively-declining levels of competence in managing political pluralism. These are problems which get worse by the day, and which no constitution has succeeded in addressing. Many Nigerians will argue that if you could have honest and competent leaders with a strong political will to enforce the laws of the land, the most pressing political problems of the nation will disappear.

Rather than challenge our current leaders with the duty to facilitate the emergence of a new constitution, or introduce new arrangements under which all Nigerians will feel sufficiently relevant and comfortable (a challenge they will not even contemplate), it may be more useful if Alhaji Ahmed Joda’s other suggestions are assessed in the context of debates about the current direction and challenges of the nation. Although he places his other prescriptions in the context of the proposals for a constitutional review, all of which have to be concluded before 2015, he suggests that President Jonathan should overhaul his cabinet to improve its quality. The President should work with the judiciary to diligently curb corruption; introduce an austerity budget and reduce waste; work hard to ensure that the 2015 election are free and fair; faithfully execute all awarded contracts; and become more involved in solving the nation’s security problems. Then the big one: the President should renounce any intention he may have of contesting the 2015 election, because this is the only way he can give the nation a credible and acceptable constitution, and a free and fair election.

These last few recommendations will place Baba Joda firmly among the ranks of prominent people who have drawn the ire of the President’s people as those who see nothing good in his administration, and who are the architects of all his shortcomings. Such is the deep division among Nigerians, with those who think the President is the biggest disaster to befall the nation; and those who think the disaster is the people who are bent on bringing him down, no matter what he does, that there are no neutrals. Perhaps Baba Joda will be spared some of the most virulent verbal assaults owing to his rather detached relationship with the political process, but it is doubtful it any ideas on improving our current situation which are founded on the registered incompetence, corruption and absence of vision of this administration will even attract the mildest of interest from it. Perhaps the real value of Alhaji Ahmed Joda’s intervention is not in the substance of his suggestions, but in the spirit behind them. This spirit says clearly that our nation is in very deep crisis, and only unconventional thinking and action can salvage it.