“A pot that can no longer boil water
should be discarded.”
Sudanese Proverb
The intense quarrels which broke out among PDP
big-wigs long before President Jonathan presented the 2013 budget proposals to
the National Assembly do not appear to
be abating. They are, in all probability, likely to worsen if the disputes over
the 2012 budget implementation continue to be sources of friction. The ruling
party is living up to its reputation as a working contraption which feeds off
the weaknesses of our political system, and delivers less and less to the
quality of governance. A stranger to this tendency for the PDP to tear itself
up every once in a while, and still find a way to stay on its feet will be
thoroughly baffled. But Nigerians familiar with the disconnect between
political power and the capacity to win elections and deliver service will most
likely just note this particular round of fights within the PDP. Younger
Nigerians will wonder if our democracy will ever change their lives.
At the current stage of this latest fight, the leaders
of the National Assembly are taking on the aides of President Jonathan who
publicly upbraided them for their comments and reactions to the administration’s
performance in the budgetary process. The aides will not back down either, and
the national assembly members will rally behind their leadership. The yawning
gaps between the claims of the executive arm on its budget execution
achievement, and those of the legislature may never be empirically verified.
Both sides realize that budget implementation is a major yardstick by which to
measure the impact of governments, so it is not surprising that the quarrels
are heated and messy.
In democracies where different parties control large blocks
of the legislature, disputes over the budget are central to electoral fortunes
of parties, and citizens pay very close attention to them. Governments collapse
routinely over budget issues all over the world. So serious is the issue of a
faithful implementation of budgets that our own constitution makes failure to
implement the budget by the executive an impeachable offence. The problem has
always been that the executive had insisted on its own definition of faithful
implementation; and at any one time, it can call a whole host of reasons,
including unnecessary interference from the legislature, for its inability to
achieve its targets. Threats to impeach Presidents over budget performance is
nothing new; and the nation hardly pays any attention to them.
Which is a great tragedy, considering the importance
of budgets as principal instruments of governance. The only tragedy bigger than
the routinization of these quarrels is the failure of the political process to
give them more substance. The Nigerian situation is such that only the PDP
opposes itself; and this opposition is predictably and routinely settled as a
family affair. The national assembly, in which the PDP has a huge majority,
flexes its muscles; huffs and puffs and then rolls over at the end of the
fiscal year. You then hear the same quarrels next year, and they are repeated
with uncanny similarity: late and shoddy prepations; disputed assumptions and
projections; late passage of the Act; inclusion of “contraband” (constituency)
projects; late and inadequate releases; bogus or shabby execution and false
claims over execution rates among many other reasons. The executive does not
seem to take these quarrels seriously either. Even when it “prepares” the
budget early, as it appears to have done this year, it does this at the expense
of requirements for critical inputs from spending and implementing agencies. Budget
philosophy, frameworks and basic assumptions are presented as non-negotiable,
largely because the executive treats legislators with thinly-veiled contempt as
people who will hardly understand them, or pay any attention to them,
particularly if certain “interests” are taken into consideration.
So a fair question to ask is why a political party that
has virtual control of key decision-making powers at federal and state levels
proves spectacularly unable to perform basic functions such as budget
management and the maintenance of security, law and order; still continues to exert
such decisive and negative influence in a nation where citizens have a choice?
The answer to this question is complex, but it cannot continue to be ignored.
It is important to ask what makes the Nigerian political system so weak and
vulnerable to manipulation that a party like the PDP can survive and expand. If
its key functionaries such as the President, leaders of the legislature and the
party can accuse each other of incompetence, subversion and dangerous
grandstanding, and threaten impeachment and disciplinary action against each other,
there must be something wrong with a democratic system that just looks on and
waits for the next quarrel, not the next election. There must be something
fundamentally wrong with a party which cannot stop damaging fights between its
President and governors over major policy instruments such as Excess Crude
Account (or Sovereign Wealth Fund); over revenue-sharing formula; over privatization
of assets; or any one of scores of major issues. But when neither the
opposition nor the PDP itself is able to transform these routine quarrels that
progressively sap the vitality and substance from our democratic system from
internal matters to major political issues, then it is time to ask whether the
our democracy is worth anything at all.
To be fair, it is not enough to blame the PDP for
running our democracy aground through its established standards of incompetence,
insensitivity and total disregard for public opinion which can only be
explained by its confidence that it will retain power by any means necessary.
The culpability of the opposition in the abuse of the democratic process is
greater than its total disrespect by the PDP. An opposition that briefly comes
to life during elections, plays the game the way it sees the PDP play it, but does
it worse; and then disappears behind ethnic barriers, or gets swallowed up by
the rarified air of Abuja politics is a bigger liability on the Nigerian people
than the PDP.
It should surprise no one that the PDP is watching all
the current excitement over prospects of mergers and alliances among opposition
parties with a comforting amusement. It has seen it all before, and there is
nothing on the ground to suggest that anything that will threaten it will come
out of them. The PDP knows that the opposition is barely distinguishable from
it in many critical aspects: big parties are centred around very few people or
individuals whose words are final on any matter. Alliances or mergers are
therefore attempted collaboration between personal egos and ambitions, and they
fall flat on their faces because party leaders cannot yield ground to interests
bigger than them. So the PDP continues to laugh all the way to elective offices
because its conclave of the few rich and powerful plays the game better than
parties who make pretenses at populist ideologies, and who have neither the
resources nor muscle to buy off the entire electoral machinery, as well as a
substantial rump of the opposition.
The flashes of defiance and hopes for the assertion of
some element of autonomy and integrity which the House of Representatives in
particular is showing give hope that his time around, the legislature will
challenge President Jonathan to do better. It may also exercise the mandate of
the people of Nigeria in such a manner as to dent the arrogance and confidence
of a ruling party which should really be called the ruining party. The
opposition has a great opportunity to do more than wish that the PDP will
implode. It can work towards 2015, but it needs to work now to reduce the
damage which the administration is visiting on the nation. It has to work hard,
because it is, itself, severely limited by one of the major shortcomings of the
PDP: the basic assumption that politics is relevant only during elections. If
they wait for elections to show Nigerians the liability which the PDP is, they
will lose again. Because though the PDP may not be good at anything, but it is
better than all the opposition combined in being returned as winner in
elections.
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