A
newly-committed crime awakens sleeping ones.
African proverb.
If
we were not talking of almost N600b ($2.1b) of public funds that is being
chased around Nigeria by the Economic and Finance Crimes Commission, (EFCC),
the reaction of some of those accused of collecting from this largess will be
amusing. It is even less amusing that these were funds reportedly meant for purchasing
weapons to fight Boko Haram by the last administration. The stories of this and
quite possibly similar audacious pillaging are not entirely told yet, but it
already promises to be major issue from a past that will very much be a part of
the future.
If not for the tragedy involved in this outrage, the image of a Falae, Yakasai
or a number of those on the list of beneficiaries sitting smug with indignation
over suggestions that they collected illegal funds and should now pay back will
be amusing. Of the range of reactions to E.F.C.C’s flat demand to pay in full
without equivocation (and still quite probably face prosecution),
Brigadier-General Lawal Jafaru Isa’s will rank among the more dignified, even
if he paid only in part. Olisa Metuh’s hunger strike and other antics will
represent the other extreme. Most of the others specifically mentioned owned up
to collecting, perhaps more because of the solid nature of the evidence than
any altruistic reason. People like Fani-Kayode are putting a brave face, saying
the N1.7b he received was properly allocated to his committee to improve
Jonathan’s sellability through media and publicity. Baba Yakasai and Falae say
they were merely conduits,and no one will accept that they received blood
money to get Jonathan re-elected.
It will be amusing, if not for the need to retrieve every kobo literally
stolen, to ask how E.F.C.C plans to ask people who say they received
campaign funds to refund the amount in full. Obviously Mr Magu has never been
exposed to election campaign or the manner campaign funds are used. Virtually
everyone on his list of recipients will swear on the Bible or the Qur’an that
the funds were duly distributed as intended. Alhaji Tanko Yakasai has already
reeled out an expenditure outlay mentioning some very influential persons whose
visit was facilitated by the money he received. He did not exactly say the
eminent Nigerians he visited and requested to support peaceful elections
received any of the money. So we should assume it was all spent by him and his
committee on logistics and accommodation. How do you retrieve that? It will
also be impossible to get Fani-Kayode to give a full, accurate and
defensible breakdown of the N1.7b his committee received and expended. No
matter how much you press Bafarawa, how do you get him to account for the
millions he received to seek spiritual help in getting Jonathan re-elected?
Just ask him to refund or go to jail, unless you want him to say that even the
spirits were against a Jonathan re-election, in spite of being lavishly fetted.
Perhaps EFCC knows that most of those funds were not spent by people who knew
Jonathan was un-electable.
The mind boggles over just how much the PDP and the Jonathan administration
spent towards losing the last election. It will take a long time for Nigerians
to forget the elaborate billboards and posters, slick advertisements, targetted
inducements and thousands of groups falling over each other and tons of money
to sell Jonathan. Now we know, that campaign was substantially paid for with
lives and limbs and the tragic destruction of whole communities in the fight
against Boko Haram. Dulled by the pervasive nature of corruption in our lives,
many Nigerians would have shrugged off allegation that companies, media
organizations, prominent Nigerians with mixed personal records have received
large sums from government to sell a sitting president. It is not new, only the
scale differs. But this blood money may be where Nigerians draw the line.
The unfolding saga around the $2.1b (N600b) will swallow more and more people.
If the president sticks to his position that he will not interfere in the
investigation and possibility of prosecution, and E.F.C.C. stays within its
rigid stance that all recipients must refund in full, it will be safe to
assume that E.F.C.C will require new or additional holding cells, and the
courts will be inundated by the sheer numbers of cases that will be presented
to them. From the opening skirmishes, a few of the recipients such as newspaper
organizations have been willing and able to make refunds. Will E.F.C.C believe
their stories that they did not know they were given blood money as
compensation for losses suffered when president Jonathan's administration
jackbooted their circulation for days on end? Why would the E.F.C.C believe the
newspaper owners, and refuse to believe Yakasai, Isa, Falae and Anenih,
Mohammed and others when they claim that they did not believe they were
receiving stolen funds?
The trails following the N600b arms funds will lead this administration to
mixed fortunes. It now has the best evidence that the Jonathan administration
was bleeding the nation dry, literally. Funds meant for purchase of weapons for
a military that was being pressed to confront a better -armed and motivated
insurgency were being diverted in the same manner that billions were stolen
through oil subsidy frauds, power-sector swindles, oil theft and all manner of
scams that make sense only if you believe you were being governed by
people who were confident that they will never be held to account. Now the
fight against corruption will tap that popular nerve that is vital to its
effectiveness and sustenance.
But how far will it go and at what cost? At this stage, even the PDP leadership
is attempting to put as much distance between it and the scandal. It says
everyone who collected blood money is on his own. In fact it is asking
President Jonathan to clarify his role in the processes involved in the release
and distribution of the funds. If you want to be uncharitable, you will
smell a whiff of sour grapes from leaders of a party in disarray which saw
a large chunk of its job taken away and handed over to a man and an office
whose job was to advice on national security. If INEC bothers, it could ask
them to account for the other billions they spent.
There have to be answers around the
process by which these funds ended up in a hundred hands, pockets and accounts.
Since $2.1b did not just up and walk out of the vaults of the CBN, we have to
ask who had responsibility for custody, approval for release and accountability
from President Jonathan, Coordinating Minister for the Economy, CBN Governor,
Accountant-General of the Federation, Auditor-General of the Federation, civil
servants and security officials. How much is the administration of President
Buhari willing to go in creating access to investigation around President
Jonathan and other senior officials of his administration? How much of its
attention and political capital will be taken up by pursuit of corruption
cases, in a context where it has to defend its action to friendly and hostile
interests alike, as well as deliver on basic governance commitments? How much
will the issues arising from the arms funds and other large-scale corruption
cases test President Buhari’s commitment to the rule of law? How will the
administration respond to the severe limitations of the judiciary? How strong
is the commitment of the legislature to the fight against corruption?
The arms funds diversions will engage the nation’s attention for quite a while.
There will be people who received huge amounts that will be tried and quite
possibly go to jail if government can prove that they broke laws in receiving and
spending the funds. President Buhari should brace himself for corruption's
fight-back, complete with parallels with 1983-1985. He may be forced to extend
the battle to fronts he may not have envisaged. There is plenty of drama ahead,
and the nation would be amused by some of it, if it is not so vital to our
future.
No comments:
Post a Comment