FURY OF THE ELDERS

“Nothing is so admirable in politics as a short memory.”
J. K. Galbraith

Two days after the President’s ubiquitous godfather, Chief C.K. Clark demanded that northern leaders find solutions to the security problems posed by the insurgency of the Jama’atu Allil-Sunnati Lidda’awati Wal-Jihad (Boko Haram) a formidable group of northerners visited the Presidential Villa, reeled out a list of grievances of the people of the north, and demanded that President Jonathan finds solutions to them. They went under the umbrella of the Arewa Elders Forum, which is led by the Danmasanin Kano, Alhaji Maitama Sule. The image of a blind Danmasani in his 80s stooping to greet President Jonathan and Vice President Namadi Sambo will remain indelible in the minds of millions of Nigerians who have a deep cultural appreciation of body language and social hierarchies. Whether he stooped out of habit when he is before superior authority, or he did it to emphasise the abject humility of the group he led, that posture by Danmasani will be the second issue of significance, after the language and content of his address.

The Northern Elders Forum’s visit to President Jonathan must have been designed to convey a clear message that the North is angry, and holds the President and his security agencies or political associates largely responsible for what has become of the security, economy politics of the region. Even where they do not hold him entirely responsible, the long list of grievances and demands suggests that the elders believe that President Jonathan can find solutions to them if he wants to.

And the list of grievances and demands was very long indeed. The elders want the President to revisit many of the reports of investigations into ethno-religious conflicts, and implement their recommendations. They want the Boko Haram insurgency to be isolated from a wider, more dangerous context in which it is seen as a Muslim or northern resistance against the Jonathan administration, and the creation of the impression that the nation is involved in a war. They say that the insurgency, which they condemn, is providing reasons for gross abuses by security personnel, ranging from killings by the Joint Task Force in Maiduguri in thousands, to the latest practice of demolition or razing down residences where activities of Boko Haram insurgents are suspected. They also include detentions of thousands of suspects under dehumanizing conditions, and killings by starvation of detainees. The elders say similar incidents of illegal activities by security personnel which is leading citizens to lose confidence in agents of the state, and adopt self-reliance strategies to protect their lives and property are also evident in Kano, Damaturu, Azare, Gombe, Mubi and other areas. They invoke the authority of the American Secretary of State, Hilary Clinton, who said that the Nigerian security services are responsible for widespread abuses. They demand that security agencies change their modes of operation to gain confidence of the public.

The elders also wanted President Jonathan to call to order people close to him who are responsible for a resurgence of inciting sectional, ethnic and religious rhetoric which also condemns or disparages whole groups or sections, especially from the North. They want him to tackle corruption; stop the arbitrary and indiscriminate removal of senior officers in the Nigerian security and public services; address youth unemployment; stop relocation of military and other security formations or installations which raise suspicions; fund exploratory activities for hydrocarbon deposits in the north; address damaging disparities in revenue allocation between parts of the nation; and resume mediation efforts to dialogue with leaders of Boko Haram insurgency.
There were many more grievances and demands in the document made available to President Jonathan by the elders. It was not surprising that the President merely promised to study the litany of demands and get back to the elders in a few weeks time. If the President takes more than a few weeks to get back to the elders, they may very well be to blame. The elders’ shopping list will intimidate anyone, but to approach President Jonathan with them and demand immediate solutions will amount to overkill. If he does see them in a few weeks’ time, it may be in a private setting where he will tell them that he looks up to them as elders to help expose Boko Haram insurgents, their own children and grand children, who are responsible for the deployment of our entire security arsenal and modes of operation in parts of the north in the first place.

If he does see them in public, he may commit to ensuring that security agencies operate within the law, and in a manner which respects the rights of all individuals and communities. He may say that he had directed heads of security agencies to investigate reported breaches and deal with them. He may mention that the Shiekh Ahmad Lemu and Ambassador Galtimari Committees’ reports have been substantially implemented. He may complain that the biggest challenge in dealing with the Boko Haram insurgency is the insufficient support from communities, including support from Northern Elders, to deal with it at local levels, and that the scope exists for more effective collaboration between government, the communities, the muslim clergy and security agencies. He may say that his doors are open to dialogue with Boko Haram, and request the Elders to make efforts to persuade the insurgency to show itself for talks.

If he sees the elders, he may assure them of his commitment to preserve the unity of the nation. He may acknowledge that the constitution gives all citizens the rights to free speech, including speech which may appear targeted at the interests of a section or community. He may even remind the northern Elders that a northern politician recently made a statement about monkeys, dogs and bloody uprisings in relation to elections. He may appeal to the elders to help lower the political temperature of the nation, and assure all citizens that his government will protect them from people who are committed to violent upheavals and balkanization. Then he may inform them that he has referred all the other demands on their long shopping list to various ministries and other departments of government to assess and advise him. He will thank them for their sense of maturity at a time when the nation needs people like them, and assure them that his doors will always be open to them.

And then what? Will the elders all go back home satisfied that they have done what elders do, which is to step forward and mediate conflicts and provide wise counsel when it is needed? Do the elders have a plan ‘B’, a contingency arrangement which they will activate in the event that the silence from the Villa is long and loud; or that they get only platitudes and promises in return for their brave outing? Will they, for instance, meet with State Governors and speak with them with similar passion and candour, and give them a long to-do list on security and economy the north? Will they meet with other northern groups, community leaders, the clergy and young people and galvanize a pan-northern, community-based movement that will find genuine solutions to the Boko Haram insurgency, the dangerous and increasing marginalization of the north, and the reconstruction of the economy of the north?
It will be most uncharitable to take away from the Northern Elders the credit they deserve in the manner they spoke to power. But just in case power does not respond, one will expect that elders would have thought of options. Having seen the flag, there must be many groups and individuals from the north who would be happy to take it over from the Danmasani group, so that generations are spared the possibility that they will see elderly people like Alhaji Maitama Sule stoop before power in vain.