Cross the river in a crowd and the crocodile
won't eat you. African proverb.
I was part of a delegation of Northern Elders
Forum that visited the Borno State capital, Maiduguri last week. The visit
lasted all of one day, but it revealed an entire future that is both inspiring
and frightening. The last time a delegation of the Forum visited Maiduguri was
about three years ago, and it barely managed to leave the beleaguered city with
some dignity because President Jonathan's State of Emergency order was made on
its first day in Maiduguri. There was no such cause for panic this time. The
short stay was informed by the challenges of age and conditions of people
well past use-before dates, and a loaded program designed to engage major
stakeholders, political and community leaders as well as victims. A day
was long enough to see the outlines of a disaster in transition, and enough to
judge the progress of communities and a nation through an uncertain future.
Surreal is one way of describing the overall
feeling you get when you look deep into the faces and soul of Maiduguri. The
city which witnessed the tipping point in the history of the insurgency and
then went through six years of agony is bravely attempting to come back to life
although the war is far from over, it is stretched beyond imaginable limits
with more than one and a half million internally displaced people in
homes and camps, the odd suicide bomb goes off now and then, soldiers and other
security personnel live on constant alert, nieghbours closely scrutinize
each other, and the global community attempts to find entry points into one of
the biggest humanitarian disasters in recent human history. In this city where
families were split into insurgents and victims, or scattered into varied
circumstances, there are children who will never know the love of parents. Many
did not know electricity until the last two years. Many have spent years out of
school or lived under care, or no care at all. Many have seen deaths and
other psychologically-traumatizing experiences that require intense counseling
and other therapies they will never get. Children under ten in Maiduguri have
grown up knowing what bullets and bombs sound like. In twenty years, they will
be adults, the people who will determine the way all others live.
Engaging the Governor and senior public
officials, you get the distinct impression of leaders who believe they have won
decisive battles by not surrendering to the insurgency. You see confidence
among public officials who could not visit home in towns and villages this time
last year, and a few whose towns are still not easily accessible. You see
evidence of a leadership made up of Muslims and Christians bonded by the
realization that Boko Haram makes all faiths equal victims. The governor's
confidence belies his recent altercation with NGOs and relief organizations,
the challenges of meandering through the forest of federal and state agencies as
well as frustrations over the daily struggle to balance current needs of
citizens against rebuilding a context for a secure and productive future. The
relief over the recent successes of the military campaign in Sambisa forest is
palpable, and you get the impression that Borno state people will vote for
President Buhari as many times as he will ask for their support. You will not
detect a feeling that they feel abandoned, but the leadership and citizens of
Borno are quick to appreciate gratitude for even token gestures that assure
them that they are not alone as they walk away from a murderous insurgency into
a future full of challenges.
The spectacle of dignified splendour around the
Shehu of Bornu barely conceals the reality that this ancient civilization has
been traumatized and squeezed into Maiduguri by an insurgency whose origin and
development it disowns at every opportunity. The Shehu's empire substantially
hangs around his palace, with subordinates chased out of palaces, while
government offices, schools, hospitals, basic social and economic
infrastructure, homes, mosques and churches have all largely been largely
destroyed. If you thought the Shehu's assertion that Borno will rise again was
conjured bravado, you are forced into doubt as you see hundreds of young people
outside his palace watching a football match, the number of young people who
run towards any siren to raise clenched fists in greetings and adulation, or
the number of school children (including, significantly, school-age girls) who
squeeze through heavy traffic to go to school, or the relaxed faces on streets
even when no one is certain that the next person may not be concealing a bomb.
The faces of resistance are represented in
elders and elite who have stayed behind to resist this assault either
because they have no choice or because they chose to risk staying put in
Maiduguri. It is also represented by the mostly young Civilian JTF, that
precocious group that forced its way into a war, making the difference by
exposing relations, neighbours and suspects, providing an invaluable compass in
the fight and paying a very high price for its effort. Borno Elders Forum
serves as the voice and vanguard of the community, often irritating or serially
annoying authority at all levels by its insistence that there are right ways of
dealing with security challenges and the rights and dignity of citizens. These
elders paid their dues to the Nigerian state at many levels, and they will not
abandon the belief that it is possible to re-engineer a Nigeria with Borno as a
pillar.
In the Northeast generally, and in Borno State
in particular, everyone speaks in statistics. You will hear that there are over
2m IDPs in the region, only 10% of whom live in camps. The numbers increase
literally by the day, as the military dislodge more insurgents and free captive
populations. There are anywhere between fifty and one hundred thousand young
orphans, a curious phenomenon in an African context until you are reminded that
no one has the space or resources to give them a home. Many of the IDPs are
children or relations of insurgents who are shunned with such vehemence, they
require special protection. More than half of school-age children have not been
to school in the last 5 years. 90% of the IDPs living with families receive no
assistance, nor do their host families. Their future depends largely on when
towns and villages can be secured, when basic infrastructure including houses
are rebuilt and when the means of production are made available. The statistics
relating to poverty levels, malnourishment, juvenile delinquency, crimes and
vulnerability of women and children and even the possibility of the
prolongation or mutation of the insurgency can safely be marked up in the next
few months, even with increased support, coordination and resources. The .2m
IDPs who will be released into the population if the Government of Borno State
goes ahead with its plans to close down all IDP camps in May this year, will
pose additional problems for security and victims' management.
Maiduguri is the
epicenter of devastation, the magnitude of which the nation is yet to fully
grasp. At this stage, only a few things are certain: the resolve of the
government of Nigeria to degrade the insurgency to a point where it is no
longer a credible threat; the determination of the leaders and the communities
in the northeast region to claw their ways into a rebuilt future; the
determination of international relief and humanitarian organizations and
friendly nations and many Nigerian NGOs to sustain the difficult tasks of
reaching the vulnerable and the needy; and finally, a hugely uncertain future
for millions of people in Nigeria and neighbouring countries. The pace and
tempo of the military campaign must be sustained and matched by parallel efforts
at rehabilitation, reintegration and reconstruction. In the last few months,
the federal government has made improvements in the manner it coordinates
activities of governments and agencies involved in managing a major
humanitarian disaster. Still, the domestication of the Kampala Declaration
will vastly improve the legal and policy framework for protecting and assisting
IDPs. The people of Borno, Yobe and Adamawa States and many parts of the North
have lived with a nightmare for many years. Even if the insurgency is
comprehensively defeated soon, this will only mark the beginning of another
long and tasking challenge to rebuild lives and livelihoods. In Maiduguri, we
saw signs among the population that there is hope for a safe and secure future.
It is not just their future, because every Nigerian lives in Maiduguri.
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