“A person cannot dance well
only one leg.” South African proverb
The House of Representatives Committee on Finance invited
the Coordinating Minister for the Economy, Dr Ngozi Okouja-Iweala last week for
a briefing on the national economy. According to reports, the Committee heard
from the Minister that she was unwell, but had answered their summons out of
respect. Which was just as well, the Committee felt, because she can now take
away the questions they had planned to ask her, all fifty of them, as homework,
and submit written answers in two weeks. She would then appear before them in
January next year to defend her answers. The Minister requested to be given a
verbal examination on the spot, assuring the Committee that she and her
colleagues will not give haphazard responses to the questions. The committee
insisted that it wanted written responses to its questions, and for good
measure, reminded the Minister that she was not in the Ministry of finance
where her words were law, but in the House of Representatives where she had no
say.
The 50 questions by the Committee which the Minister had
wanted to answer on the spot verbally were then published for all Nigerians to
see. It is safe to assume that those questions were never intended for the Minister
to answer verbally, on the spot. Even without her poor health, it was not the
type of examination the Committee would have planned to conduct verbally, in a
sitting. It is more likely that the Committee went into the meeting with its 50
questions tucked away, and would have engineered any situation that will
prevent a verbal examination. It will be uncharitable to assume that the
Minister herself had an idea of the type of questions the Committee had planned
to ask her, but her request for a verbal examination, if it had been granted,
would have ended up in either of two ways. One, she would have answered many
with a simple yes or no. That would not have satisfied the legislators. She
could have been vague, general or unsure over many others, insisting that she
needed time to give fuller and more reliable answers. With the press around,
that would not have satisfied the legislators. She could have advised that some
of the question required extensive consultation with colleagues in other
Ministries, but the legislators would have insisted that the coordination role
she plays is sufficient for her to answer all questions on the economy. She
could have repeated many of the official explanations, rationalizations,
projections, justifications, limitations and frustrations of the national
economy, but the legislators would have said they had heard it all before. So
the meeting would have ended up producing nothing except perhaps the
humiliation of the Minister, and a waste of time and resources. Or the
legislators and the Minister would have discussed weighty issues over the
structure, operations and challenges of the Nigerian economy merely as a media
event, without doing justice to any of them.
As it turned out, the legislators insisted on full
written answers to questions that appear to have been well thought out. In
fact, you could say the Committee on Finance had decided to raise all the
fundamentals of the management of our economy as questions, and then hang the
Minister of Finance on them. If this was an examination, you will fail the
examiner, and not the student on the grounds that the questions asked are not
intended to be answered by reference to a marking scheme. Undergraduate
students studying, Macro Economics, will be familiar with questions like “What
will you consider as the major economic achievements of this government in the
2013 fiscal year and why? In your explanation, we will need facts and figures
in demonstrating such achievement.” Easy for Dr Okonjo-Iweala, but she may not
get a pass mark from legislators who have made up their minds that there are no
major economic achievements.
If that is the only question, she would be failed and
asked to repeat the test. She will repeat the same answers. There are many
questions on capital and recurrent spending, inflation, competitiveness of the
Nigerian economy, privatization of the power sector, poverty, debts and
assessment of the performance of the Nigerian economy. There are others far her
homework on protection policies, National Sovereign Fund, SURE-P, interest
rates, oil prices and benchmarking, Excess Crude Account, funding of the EFCC
and revenue figures from NNPC and other revenue sources. The Committee wants
answers on extra-budgetary spending, foreign investment, planning as an
instrument of governance, external reserves, missing funds from sale of crude,
growth of the economy and job creation.
There are many questions asked, to which the Minister
can answer yes or no, but this is hardly going to be sufficient. Adequate
answers to many others will involve extensive consultations with colleagues in
Petroleum Resources, Trade and Investment, Power, National Planning Commission,
Central Bank of Nigeria, agencies such as Federal Inland Revenue Service,
Customs and Excise and Budget Office of the federation. These consultations may
produce responses that merely rehash everything that the Committee and the
nation has either heard before, or has records of. The Minister could submit
responses in bound volumes larger than the Report of the Advisory Committee on
National Dialogue, and confront the legislators with the challenge of making
any sense of it all. Or she could submit a response like Obasanjo’s 18-page
essay which will raise more answers that need more answers.
It is very difficult to see how the framers of the 50
questions can be taken seriously. They have made Okonjo-Iweala’s examination
very easy. She merely has to go back and submit responses which reinforce
existing positions, and stick to them in arguments over validity of facts,
assessments or suspicions. The Committee will never get her to admit that the
economy is poorly run; policies are not informed by the best options available;
that absence of transparency in revenue collection is a major problem; that
funds from crude account are missing; that extra-budgetary spending is a recurring
element in the economy; that the Excess Crude Account is illegal; or that
assessment and rating of the Nigerian economy which she holds up are
fraudulent. In subsequent engagements, she only needs to refer to her detailed
explanation on all facets of the economy covered by the 50 questions. The
committee could disagree with her on virtually all her responses, but they will
have to prove that she is wrong, and they are right.
How will they do this? If the Committee has hard
evidence, statistics and facts on the management of the economy, and they are
holding on to these waiting to examine, pass or fail the Minister, it will give
many Nigerians great comfort. But they do not. If they have capacities for
research and analyses which will allow them to prove conclusively that the
Coordinating Minister for the Economy is either incompetent, uninformed or
misleading them and the nation, that will generate a major boost of public
confidence in the legislators’ capacity to exercise oversight responsibilities.
But they do not have these capacities, which is tragic. If the Minister has not
been hardened by numerous skirmishes with legislators over every element in the
management of our economy, she may be more disposed to provide more balanced
responses to questions which have been posed in a combative manner.
Ngozi’s 50 questions homework will remind the nation of
the deficiencies in the manner our democratic system operate. In those 50
questions, you see evidence of the gulf which exists between the executive and
the legislature in the manner one runs the economy, and the other struggles to
exercise oversight responsibilities over it. You see evidence of prolonged
stress, hostility and suspicion between the two. From the executive, you see
evidence of a resigned submission to powers of the legislature, but not one which
has a genuine and credible need for information on the management of our
economy. So everyone goes through the motion of answering summons, responding
in a defensive, or even combative manner, giving information which is hardly
useful, and then sitting back waiting for the next summons. From the legislature,
you see evidence of frustration from an organ with huge powers but little means
of exercising those powers.
As the political landscape changes in the National
Assembly and the gulf between the executive and the legislature widens,
relations between the two will worsen. Ngozi’s 50 questions merely reflect a
deep-seated hostility which exists between key organs of the national assembly
and the presidency. Dr Okonjo-Iweala will be tossed and thrown around as these
tussles intensify. No one should expect anything of value from the Minister’s
responses to the 50 questions.
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